Liberalism and the Politics of Joy
A natural companion to the fight against reactionary Christian nationalism.
In recent days the Harris campaign, former Trump administration officials, and the media have placed a renewed emphasis on the unique threat posed by Donald Trump to the American liberal democratic project. This seems to mark a sharp break from the early days of the Harris campaign, which was variously lauded and ridiculed as a “politics of joy.” Following the Democratic National Convention, the NYT deputy opinion editor proclaimed that “Joy is not a strategy,” echoing the claims of right-wing influencers that “Joy is not a politics.” Others have proclaimed that the election will be decided on vibes rather than substance, the implication being that there is a sharp divide between the kind of intuitive or emotional response voters have to this election and policy-based reasoning.
But the positive political vision contained in what we might call a “politics of joy” is an expression of the ideals of liberalism taken to their logical conclusion, and as such is a natural companion to the fight against reactionary Christian nationalism. We should not lose sight of this positive political vision, as it is the vision of liberalism which is perhaps best equipped to counter the politics of rage, fear, and contempt for difference that is embraced by the contemporary American right. American liberals should embrace a politics of joy, and if Harris prevails in next week’s election, we should work to ensure that she fights for that vision over the course of her administration.
American culture has historically been built around hierarchy, judgment, and exclusion. For many, personal identity has been defined less in reference to who they are and what they value and more in reference to who or what they aren’t. Although individual freedom is often proclaimed as a core American value, in reality conformity to dominant cultural norms and identities has long been an expectation to which professional, economic, and social success are tied, while difference has often been construed as inferiority, or worse, pernicious deviance.
We can understand a politics of joy as a substantive view of what we owe to each other, a view that represents a cultural shift away from this judgment and opposition to difference and towards a radical love for and acceptance of others and their various ideas of the good life. This is an orientation that finds its seeds in the ideal of liberal pluralism: that others don’t have to live their lives according to the same values, for the same goals, or with the same identities we choose for ourselves in order to be worthy of equal respect and equal treatment before the law.
But a politics of joy moves beyond mere toleration for difference and buys wholly into the value of thoroughgoing individualism. This individualism embraces a deep respect for others and the life choices that define them as persons. It is an orientation towards others built upon finding value and self-worth in cheering on and encouraging each other in our various experiments in living, rather than in tearing down those who are different to set ourselves apart and above. It is a vibe, yes, but it is also an acknowledgment of the wonder and beauty of diversity.
While embracing the individualism of life choices, a politics of joy rejects the late 20th century form of liberal individualism built around a cartoonish over-emphasis on personal responsibility. Individuals should be respected in their decisions and responsible for their outcomes, but we must also recognize the deeply interdependent nature of contemporary society and the fact that each of our abilities to succeed in the pursuit of our values is dependent on others doing their part. As Elizabeth Anderson pointed out in 1999 and Barack Obama noted in 2012, my ability to conduct my research and teaching is dependent not only on my own efforts but also on the contributions of the laborer who paves the roads I use to get to work, the grocery clerk who stocks the shelves where I shop, and the farmworker who harvests the foods that I eat. This recognition of our interdependence grounds an appreciation for and desire to create and maintain real communities of care. It is built on an acknowledgment that needing and asking for help is not weakness but an expression of our common humanity, which can likewise be expressed by looking after each other, both within our personal commitments and interactions but also via humane social policies that seek to lift everyone up.
Similarly, a politics of joy seeks to reclaim the mantle of “freedom” from those who associate it with the freedom of employers and businesses to exploit their workers and to foist the externalities of their businesses onto society. It is a rejection of overwork culture and the idea that individuals should organize their lives around how they can make themselves more useful to their boss or the company which pays them. Rather, freedom entails an ability to exist and find meaning in our lives outside of work, to have play and rest and community, to have the ability to be healthy. And most fundamentally, a politics of joy takes freedom as the ability to live the lives that we choose for ourselves, embracing our identities without shame, surrounded by the people we love without persecution or the denial of our basic rights.
Finally, and perhaps most importantly, a politics of joy is fundamentally grounded in the ability to imagine a better world and a willingness to work to bring that world into being. It is a rejection of the all-consuming orientation of the contemporary right towards the world as a place of fear and loathing, of a mentality of “us versus them,” of constant hypervigilance and doom.
Judgment, hatred, and fear are easy attitudes to have. We are taught from a young age to separate ourselves from others based on our differences, to attach meaning to those differences and to see “different” as therefore “less than.” Looking for the best in people, situations, and values that we don’t identify with and practicing and sustaining hope and joy is difficult. It requires daily effort. It is the values contained in a politics of joy that motivate those efforts, and to which we should hold our elected officials if we hope to prevail in the fight against fascism.
Featured image is Bringing Diversity into Focus by Sam Kirk, from wiredforlego